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Introduction |
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The
title of this book, Government by Political Spin, implies that
the officials of our government are offering us promises and solutions
that they cannot produce; but rather, they are using a public relations
approach to convince us they are very necessary, and should be kept in
power to solve problems, real and imaginary. Do you think this is the
most wonderful country in the world? I do. Do you think the federal
government can solve every one of our problems? I certainly don't!! We
are the oldest democratic republic on earth, based on a constitution
created by f1fty-five brilliant people meeting in Philadelphia in 1787.
In one hot, unairconditioned summer they created a flexible document
that overcame the objections of thirteen individual confederated states,
allowing the most livable democracy in the world, and the most powerful.
Those men could not have anticipated the myriad changes to come in the
next two-plus centuries, but the original instrument they crafted allows
the flexibility to solve problems. However, that flexibility is being
undermined by a proactive federal judiciary, in which federal judges are
now running prisons, school districts, and other institutions,
exercising power never really granted to them under the Constitution
with accountability to no one. The carefully balanced division of power
between the three branches of our government is gone, without stirring
up a fight from the legislative branch, in fact with their apparent
acquiescence. All this in the past thirty-five years. What
needs to be understood is the intent of the framers of the Constitution
in each area of intended compromise in the Constitution. Differing
political philosophies were melded together, to give satisfaction to
everyone. The intents were universal and for all time. Where we have
strayed from those |
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Introduction intents, we have seen the creation
of an inability to solve many of our modern problems. The compromises
created a system of checks and balances that allowed the three branches
to maintain balanced power. Attention to the strict construction of the
Constitution would have maintained the balance. There are other changes.
The Framers could not have foreseen the type of Congress we now have.
They anticipated a Congress in which the members would offer to serve
for up to six years, and return home to manage their business or farm.
They could not afford to stay away longer; there were no professional
politicians, and the profession was not imagined. Now we have
politicians who are difficult to remove from office with the campaign
rules they have created in self-protection, and the popular attitude
they have propagandized: the federal government has a never-ending
supply of money to bring home "pork" to each local district
and money to take care of everyone who wants or needs to be taken care
of. How can we expect voters
{remember, that's ourselves!) to vote out of office folks who promise
and bring home all those goodies? So let's do some simple arithmetic and
you will really understand my point: Roughly three million people lived
when the Constitution was framed. There are almost 270 million citizens
now, ninety times more; 90 x 55= 4,950 brilliant political theorists who
should exist in our country, if our population is equivalent to that of
1787 {and we probably are). They should be in Washington creating the
latest miracles to solve our current problems, but where are they? Those
brilliant people have to be somewhere. There are a few in Washington,
but the majority are in business, the professions, and other endeavors.
They are very cynical about the current political processes in
Washington, but read the books they write, the letters to the editor,
the columns in the newspapers-the ideas are out there. But they are not in Washington. We
have an overwhelming need to get founding-father-like people to
Washington, people who are more concerned with the future of the country
than how to get reelected in two or six years. Ideally we can vote out
the present congressional members, but that is like "taking candy
from a baby." They have convinced us we can |
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Introduction
13 "have
our cake and eat it too." WE CAN'T!! We must demand to change the
system, remove the cynicism, and attract to our federal government a
more idealistic quality of representation from people who intend to stay
just a few years, and make a valuable contribution before leaving. T
o find answers to the way we voters think and act, we need to look to
our evolutionary past. Our founders developed an extraordinarily ideal
form of representative democracy. They anticipated our representatives
would be statesmanlike and the voters who elected them educated and
informed. With the unanticipated appearance of career politicians
spinning their PR, statesmanship and a well-informed electorate have
both largely disappeared. The psychology we have brought with us from
our recent hunter-gatherer (read savage) past creates a major part of
the problem. We have suddenly entered a complicated civilized world in a
brief moment in time, when com- pared to the hundreds of thousands of
years of evolution it took to get us to this stage. Our motives for
voting the way we do, and the motives of the members of Congress all
arise from the same evolutionary psychology. We are all the same under
the skin, no better or worse than our governmental representatives. Ever
since the New Deal in the 1930s the federal government has attempted to
step in and solve all our problems, local and national. It started with
national concerns, but gradually, using the commerce clause in the
Constitution through the courts, the Feds began to dictate events at the
county and city level, damaging the protections for the States purposely
put into the Tenth Amendment, which specifically left to the States all
powers not enumerated in the Constitution as being awarded to the
federal government. Notwithstanding the impossibility of it all,
Washington rhetoric tells us that all problems can be solved and
perfection guaranteed, if enough money is thrown at each problem. But 10
and behold, studies now show that although there have been some advances
in improving some problems, in general the trends reach a plateau, and
even if more and more funds are expended stagnation continues. Trillions
have been spent during the thirty-plus years since the |
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